Skola 2030: 32 years of reforms in Latvian education

Articulated by

Armands Kalniņš, Vilis Seleckis, Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia

Argument

On 19 June 1991 the Supreme Council adopted the Education Law, which in the reform period served as the basis for dismantling the Soviet legacy: it introduced school councils and societal participation in governance, laid the basis for the transition to a 12-grade secondary school, allowed the choice principle and removed compulsory ideological subjects. Management shifted from a centralised ministry to municipalities. This perspective, articulated in 1995 by IZM State Secretary Armands Kalniņš and defended in the Supreme Council in 1991 by the Education Commission's rapporteur Vilis Seleckis, treats the 1991 law not as a one-off act but as the starting point of a four-year structural reform (1991-1994).

Articulated by

Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia, Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Latvia

Argument

An alternative perspective on the 1991 Education Law: its key novelty compared with the Soviet order is not decentralisation but the normative formulation in Article 5 — residents have the right to obtain education in the state language, and Latvian-language acquisition is mandatory in all institutions under Latvian jurisdiction. Secondary-school graduates take a mandatory Latvian-language examination. This is the legal foundation from which all subsequent 25 years of language reform in education will flow: the 1995 amendments on two and three subjects in minority schools, the 2004 60/40 reform, the 2017 decision on a gradual transition, the 2025 full transition. This perspective is implicitly confirmed in the 1995 government report to UNESCO, where the right to education is presented alongside the state-language policy toolbox.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, Latvian Way, For Fatherland and Freedom/LNNK

Argument

On 10 August 1995 the 5th Saeima amended the Education Law, for the first time imposing a concrete, legally binding requirement on minority schools: at least two subjects in primary school and at least three in secondary school must be taught in Latvian. This was the first systemic step in state-language consolidation within the education system after the 1991 law's general norm on the state language as a right. The decision was supported both by Latvijas Ceļš (the leading coalition party with multiple ministers) and by Tēvzemei un Brīvībai (which in that period, and later under Māris Grīnblats as Minister of Education 1995-1997, continued to advance the same line). The 2004 60/40 reform, the 2017 gradual-transition decision and the 2025 full transition all trace back to this 1995 step.

Articulated by

Armands Kalniņš, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

An alternative perspective on the 1995 amendments: they impose a legal requirement on minority schools before the system has the resources to fulfil it — Latvian-speaking teachers, teaching materials, methodological support. The 1995 work of IZM State Secretary Armands Kalniņš shows that management decentralisation and standards development ran in parallel, not subsequent to the legal amendments. This implied a long implementation horizon — and the implementation problems (capacity, quality, professional readiness) will be the same ones raised both by critics of the 2004 60/40 reform and later by the 2026 State Audit Office audit. This perspective is not an objection to the reform itself but to its implementation pace and the resources required.

Articulated by

Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

The 24 October 1995 Cabinet decision to approve the Education Concept can be read as a structural element: before drafting a new Education Law (1998), there should be a publicly discussed policy concept. This reveals a certain methodological evolution: the 1991 law was adopted without such a concept, and one of its critiques (in 1995 IZM documents) was precisely that this absence of foundation undermined subsequent law-making. Therefore the 1995 Education Concept is the source from which both the draft law (21 November 1995), the UNESCO report (22 November 1995), and the new 1998 Education Law all flow.

Articulated by

Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

On 21 November 1995 the Ministry of Education submitted to the Saeima a draft law whose stated goals include 'to foster the formation of a competent, competitive professional'. This is the first time the term 'competent' is used in Latvia's core education-policy documents as a policy goal — nearly two decades before Skola 2030 (2017-2023), where 'kompetenču pieeja' (competency approach) will become the central programmatic term. The draft's other goals ('to foster the growth of an independent, capable, conscientious, responsible person of a democratic society' and 'mastery and enrichment of national and human cultural values') continue the same line. From this perspective, Skola 2030 is not a 2017 invention but the embodiment of a 25-year state education-policy trajectory — one continuous line from the Supreme Council's 1991 law to the basic-education standard that the State Audit Office audits in 2026.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, Latvian Way

Argument

On 2 November 1995 the 5th Saeima adopted the Higher Education Law, defining universities as autonomous higher-education and science institutions with self-governance rights. This perspective, championed by Latvijas Ceļš as the leading coalition party, treats the law as a structural break with the Soviet centralised system: each university henceforth drafts its own Satversme (charter), forms its personnel, and independently determines study content and forms. The law applies equally to state and private universities, establishing a level playing field. This model has been in force for 30 years, with amendments but without fundamental rewriting.

Articulated by

For Fatherland and Freedom/LNNK, Democratic Party 'Saimnieks'

Argument

An alternative perspective on the 1995 Higher Education Law: it formulates autonomy but simultaneously preserves state oversight (registry, accreditation and funding mechanisms). This perspective was held within the right-of-centre coalition — Tēvzemei un Brīvībai, which from December 1995 under Māris Grīnblats at IZM pushed for stronger state involvement in higher education, and the Democratic Party 'Saimnieks', which later continued this line under Juris Celmiņš (1997-1998). From this vantage the law is not 'full autonomy' but a compromise between the Latvijas Ceļš programme and the national-conservative demand to preserve the state's leading role.

Articulated by

Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

On 21 November 1995 the Ministry of Education submitted to the Saeima a draft law whose stated goals include 'to foster the formation of a competent, competitive professional'. This is the first time the term 'competent' is used in Latvia's core education-policy documents as a policy goal — nearly two decades before Skola 2030 (2017-2023), where 'kompetenču pieeja' (competency approach) will become the central programmatic term. The draft's other goals ('to foster the growth of an independent, capable, conscientious, responsible person of a democratic society' and 'mastery and enrichment of national and human cultural values') continue the same line. From this perspective, Skola 2030 is not a 2017 invention but the embodiment of a 25-year state education-policy trajectory — one continuous line from the Supreme Council's 1991 law to the basic-education standard that the State Audit Office audits in 2026.

Articulated by

Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

The 24 October 1995 Cabinet decision to approve the Education Concept can be read as a structural element: before drafting a new Education Law (1998), there should be a publicly discussed policy concept. This reveals a certain methodological evolution: the 1991 law was adopted without such a concept, and one of its critiques (in 1995 IZM documents) was precisely that this absence of foundation undermined subsequent law-making. Therefore the 1995 Education Concept is the source from which both the draft law (21 November 1995), the UNESCO report (22 November 1995), and the new 1998 Education Law all flow.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia

Argument

The wording of Article 2 of the 1998 Education Law as a normative pledge by the state: the goal of the education system is not merely the transfer of knowledge, but the development of each person's spiritual and physical potential — and becoming a member of a democratic Latvian state and society. In the context of this wording, reforms 25 years later (Skola 2030, the competency approach, transition to Latvian as instruction language in minority schools, basic-education standards) are weighed against the 1998 goal.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

The Education Law adopted on 29 October 1998 enters into force on 1 June 1999, automatically repealing the 1991 law adopted by the Supreme Council. From this date a unified legal framework begins applying across the system: general, vocational and higher education. The goal formulated in Article 2 — to ensure every Latvian resident the opportunity for personal development — becomes the normative pledge. This perspective treats 1 June 1999 as a structural boundary: before it, the 1991 and 1998 acts ran in parallel; after it, a single unified legal regime that pushed the 7th Saeima to adopt the sectoral specialised laws on 10 June (General Education and Vocational Education).

Articulated by

'For Human Rights in United Latvia' (PCTVL / ZaPČEL)

Argument

An alternative perspective on the 1998 Education Law and its entry into force in 1999: already on 28 September 1998, during the debate on the State Language Law, deputy A. Bartaševičs publicly formulated that the law was definitively moving toward 'liquidation of minority education by 2004'. The transition provisions of the law (paragraph 9) directly contain a schedule for the gradual increase of Latvian-language volume in minority secondary schools, culminating on 1 September 2004 with a full (later softened to 60%) transition in grade 10. From this perspective the 1998 law is not merely a 'legal umbrella' — it is a concrete agenda with a defined addressee and timeline. The PCTVL faction's position throughout the 7th and 8th Saeima consistently rests on this reading.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

On 10 June 1999 the 7th Saeima adopts in one day two specialised foundation laws — the General Education Law and the Vocational Education Law — which give concrete shape to the general provisions of the 1998 Education Law for specific sectors. This perspective treats the 1999 pair of laws as a structural operation: within 8 months of the 1998 law's adoption and 3 weeks before its entry into force, the 7th Saeima built the entire secondary legal architecture. The simultaneous adoption of sectoral laws signals methodical, planned legislative work — the first time such ambition was seen in Latvia since the restoration of independence.

Articulated by

Juris Celmiņš

Argument

An alternative perspective on the simultaneous adoption of the 1999 specialised laws: this happened with insufficient public discussion. Former minister Juris Celmiņš, in a 1 September 2000 publication in Latvijas Vēstnesis, voiced a structural critique: from 1995 to 2000 the Ministry was led by nine different ministers, each with their own direction; adopting specialised laws within 8 months of the Education Law left no room for public discussion of concrete steps for pre-school, primary, secondary and vocational education sectors. This perspective is not an objection to the content of the laws themselves but to the pace and method. Operational critique, not political.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

On 10 June 1999 the 7th Saeima adopts in one day two specialised foundation laws — the General Education Law and the Vocational Education Law — which give concrete shape to the general provisions of the 1998 Education Law for specific sectors. This perspective treats the 1999 pair of laws as a structural operation: within 8 months of the 1998 law's adoption and 3 weeks before its entry into force, the 7th Saeima built the entire secondary legal architecture. The simultaneous adoption of sectoral laws signals methodical, planned legislative work — the first time such ambition was seen in Latvia since the restoration of independence.

Articulated by

Juris Celmiņš

Argument

An alternative perspective on the simultaneous adoption of the 1999 specialised laws: this happened with insufficient public discussion. Former minister Juris Celmiņš, in a 1 September 2000 publication in Latvijas Vēstnesis, voiced a structural critique: from 1995 to 2000 the Ministry was led by nine different ministers, each with their own direction; adopting specialised laws within 8 months of the Education Law left no room for public discussion of concrete steps for pre-school, primary, secondary and vocational education sectors. This perspective is not an objection to the content of the laws themselves but to the pace and method. Operational critique, not political.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia, Kārlis Greiškalns

Argument

This perspective treats the 2002 Education Development Concept as a strategic bridge between the 1998 law and Latvia's accession to the EU (1 May 2004). The three main goals (quality, accessibility, cost-effectiveness) and detailed directions (teacher training, programme reform, system modernisation) directly follow EU criteria within the pre-accession framework. It reflects the consolidation of political will — after three years of nine-minister rotation it is precisely during the Greiškalns term (2000-2002) that the first multi-year programme is built, subsequently serving as the basis for all later policy documents.

Articulated by

Juris Celmiņš, Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia

Argument

An alternative perspective on the 2002 Concept: it formulates three ambitious goals (quality, accessibility, cost-effectiveness) and detailed directions, but without concrete funding mechanisms or accountability for non-fulfilment. Former minister Juris Celmiņš had already publicly formulated the diagnostic problem in 2000: each of the nine ministers in 1995-2000 started their own work, but there was no handover. The 2002 Concept repeats this structural problem: the strategy is there, but each next minister (from late 2002 Šadurskis, from late 2004 Druviete) will pursue their own priorities. This perspective is an operational critique that anticipates the later 'we drafted one big standard but did not saturate it with teaching materials' problem (see Skola 2030 in 2017+, which reflects the same pattern 22 years later).

Articulated by

Russian School Defence Headquarters, Igors Pimenovs, 'For Human Rights in United Latvia' (PCTVL / ZaPČEL)

Argument

The Russian School Defence Headquarters (founded 22 April 2003 at the initiative of the Latvian Russian Youth Association LAŠOR), in cooperation with the PCTVL faction in the 8th Saeima, organised a months-long protest campaign against the 60/40 reform. This perspective treats the movement as legitimate civic action: for the right to freely choose the language of instruction (in LAŠOR's Pimenovs's words), against a law that applied to a specific population group without being discussed with that group. Key actions: 23 May 2003 protest (timed before the Eurovision final, presence of foreign media), 1 September 2004 mass rally on the day the reform entered into force, 2-6 September 2004 school strikes. The movement is an example of how a structural minority uses democratic means (public protests, parliamentary opposition, constitutional complaint) when ordinary political procedures fail to ensure its representation.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, New Era

Argument

An alternative perspective on the 2003-2004 protests: the actual outcome of the movement's pressure (in cooperation with the PCTVL faction's alternative proposals, OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities recommendations, EU pre-accession monitoring, and 2003 UN recommendations) is the change of the formula from 'fully in the state language' to 'at least 3/5 in the state language', which still allows 40% of teaching volume to remain in the minority language plus the preservation of minority language and culture subjects. This is a concrete political effect. But the underlying direction — gradual state-language consolidation — remained unchanged and continued with the 2017 decision on full transition and its 2025 implementation. From this perspective, the protests proved that democracy responds to organised pressure (the compromise formula), but a democratic state does not abandon its strategic trajectory based on objections from one population group.

Articulated by

Saeima of the Republic of Latvia, New Era, Kārlis Šadurskis, Kārlis Greiškalns

Argument

On 5 February 2004 the 8th Saeima adopts amendments that formalise the gradual fulfilment of the 1998 law's transition provisions: from 1 September 2004 at least 3/5 of grade 10 content in minority secondary schools is delivered in the state language. This perspective treats the reform as a logical continuation of the 1991 law's Article 5 norm (the right to obtain education in the state language) and the 1995 amendments (the minimum of 2 and 3 subjects). The 9-year period (1995-2004) provided minimal preparation: four bilingual education models were developed (work of the Greiškalns ministry 2000-2002), and a 1999 social survey shows 60-65% support for gradual transition among parents and pupils. The reform is the development of a 22-year-since-1998 and 30-year-since-1995 stance, not a sudden decision. Minority language and culture remain guaranteed — up to 40% of teaching volume can remain in the minority language.

Articulated by

'For Human Rights in United Latvia' (PCTVL / ZaPČEL), Jānis Jurkāns, Igors Pimenovs, Russian School Defence Headquarters

Argument

The perspective of the PCTVL faction and the Russian School Defence Headquarters on the 60/40 reform: it contradicts international obligations on minority rights (the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, the 2003 recommendations of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination) and the popular will demonstrated by mass protests in 2003-2004 and the 8th Saeima opposition's alternatives. Jurkāns and Urbanovičs in the LP0387 second reading proposed an alternative wording (instruction in minority languages where demand existed) — all PCTVL proposals were rejected. Pimenovs publicly articulated the general PCTVL position: 'The law must be repealed'. This perspective does not treat the reform as a 'compromise' between full transition and minority rights — it is a Saeima majority choice that ignored both parliamentary opposition and street protests. After the reform was adopted, PCTVL deputies filed a constitutional complaint (case 2004-18-0106), with the Constitutional Court judgment of 13 May 2005.

Articulated by

'For Human Rights in United Latvia' (PCTVL / ZaPČEL)

Argument

A third perspective on the 60/40 reform: it is the result of political compromise, neither the ideal outcome nor the realisation of any fundamental principle. The initial draft envisaged a full transition to the state language across all secondary-school subjects (the talk was 'from 2004 only in Latvian'). The mass protests of 2003-2004 (organised by the Russian School Defence Headquarters), international pressure (OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities, the EU accession process), and the European Commission's minority monitoring led to the softer formula: 3/5 in the state language, 2/5 in the minority language. Providus in February 2004 (see src_providus_skola_reforma_2004) precisely predicted: 'Compromise will be reached; the question is only who will initiate it' — and the compromise was ultimately initiated by the combined pressure of street and parliamentary opposition, not the ruling parties' own good will. This perspective acknowledges that the result is neither full assimilation nor full minority autonomy — it is acceptable only to parties who accept the 'minimum bad from both sides' principle.

Articulated by

Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Latvia, Ina Druviete

Argument

Cabinet Order No. 137 of 2005, signed by PM A. Kalvītis and Minister of Education I. Druviete, formulates the decade-long policy framework: the position of Latvian in education and the public sphere must be purposefully strengthened, and this is an important state task. This position sets the backdrop for the minority-schools 60/40 reform (2004), which Druviete pursued with intensified pressure during her first ministerial term (2004–2006). The reform is treated as an instrument to implement this framework within the education system.

Articulated by

State Education Development Agency, Dita Ozola, Dace Melbārde, Zane Oliņa

Argument

After the VK audit, State Education Development Agency head Dita Ozola publicly affirmed that the agency has no plan to draft a wholly new basic-education standard — the existing one will be amended gradually through 2030. Minister Melbārde in the same period speaks of developing a 'new standard', but no such plan exists at agency or Skola2030 level. The foundations of the competency approach remain; the changes are clarifications (intended outcomes, AI integration, reorganisation of topic sequences in mathematics). This position parallels the 2017 Skola 2030 launch-time argument that the competency approach is an 8–12 year structural change whose results appear only long-term.

Articulated by

TV3 Latvia

Argument

In a TV3 publication of 18.02.2026 the audit's outcome is interpreted as the failure of the Skola 2030 reform. The responsible ministry, by the authors' assessment, hides behind funding-shortage excuses and refuses responsibility for the reform's outcome. This is a media frame echoed by jauns.lv, LV portāls and others; it is stronger than the State Audit Office's own formal finding. As of 2026-05-24 the original TV3 headline is no longer visible on the live page — the publisher has softened it to 'A worrying trend…', but the URL slug preserves the original framing and the existence of the frame is documented.

Articulated by

National Alliance 'All For Latvia!'–'For Fatherland and Freedom/LNNK', United List, The Progressives

Argument

Three Saeima parties of distinct ideological stance (NA — national-conservative; AS — centrist-green; Progresīvie — left-liberal) took an operational, not symbolic position on Skola 2030 in their 2022 14th Saeima programmes: refine, don't cancel. NA demands methodological support for content implementers; AS — a long-term school-network funding model as a structural precondition; Progresīvie — to ensure the necessary Skola 2030 teaching-materials kit for teachers. Motivations differ; the operational ask converges. Notably absent: LPV and Stabilitātei! programmes hold no concrete positions on Skola 2030 / basic-education content as such (LPV focuses on higher education; Stabilitātei!'s programme contains a generic 'cancel the reform' frame without operational detail).

Articulated by

State Audit Office

Argument

In audit Nr. 2.4.1-65/2024 (published 18.02.2026) the State Audit Office concludes that Latvia and its municipalities have not established preconditions for every child to receive equally high-quality basic education in the school nearest to their residence. The common standard is implemented unevenly: lesson volume, assessment approaches and access to support staff differ substantially. The audit issued 10 recommendations to the Ministry of Education and Science.

Articulated by

State Education Development Agency, Dita Ozola, Dace Melbārde, Zane Oliņa

Argument

After the VK audit, State Education Development Agency head Dita Ozola publicly affirmed that the agency has no plan to draft a wholly new basic-education standard — the existing one will be amended gradually through 2030. Minister Melbārde in the same period speaks of developing a 'new standard', but no such plan exists at agency or Skola2030 level. The foundations of the competency approach remain; the changes are clarifications (intended outcomes, AI integration, reorganisation of topic sequences in mathematics). This position parallels the 2017 Skola 2030 launch-time argument that the competency approach is an 8–12 year structural change whose results appear only long-term.

Articulated by

TV3 Latvia

Argument

In a TV3 publication of 18.02.2026 the audit's outcome is interpreted as the failure of the Skola 2030 reform. The responsible ministry, by the authors' assessment, hides behind funding-shortage excuses and refuses responsibility for the reform's outcome. This is a media frame echoed by jauns.lv, LV portāls and others; it is stronger than the State Audit Office's own formal finding. As of 2026-05-24 the original TV3 headline is no longer visible on the live page — the publisher has softened it to 'A worrying trend…', but the URL slug preserves the original framing and the existence of the frame is documented.

Articulated by

State Audit Office

Argument

In a clarification of 19.03.2026 the State Audit Office emphasised that the audit evaluated only two elements — the basic-education teaching process and management — but not the content and environment of teaching. The office also stated that it did not recommend developing a new basic-education standard. The media framing of 'Skola 2030 failed' is not the audit's finding.

Articulated by

Latvian Trade Union of Education and Science Employees, Inga Vanaga

Argument

LIZDA chair Inga Vanaga (quoting a Latvian Radio interview retold by LSM on 11.03.2026) emphasises that teachers are burnt out after Skola 2030 was rolled out without the necessary teaching materials. Drafting a new standard, however noble and well-funded, would become 'yet another shake-up of the sector' — additional disruption, not a solution. LIZDA calls for a 'cosmetic refit' — refining the existing standard rather than starting from scratch. At the same time the union demands clear accountability for which people who drafted the previous Skola 2030 standard would become the authors of the new edition.